The politics of exception

5 minutes, 54 seconds Read
However one may characterise the current political arrangement — hybrid, chaperoned or cooperative — it is unique. Since Imran Khan’s PTI was dethroned, a system of governance in the Centre has evolved which mainly addresses the needs. There may be another view of those needs, or whether they can be addressed through another system, but in the genius of those currently holding the reins, the system in vogue is the least abrasive yet most responsive.

At the end of it all, the politicians at the forefront will carry the responsibility for what the system delivers. Democracy has three derivatives: inclusive politics; good governance; and a growing economy. If any of these do not come through, the responsibility will lie squarely on the politicians who remain the face in control.

Consider: Inclusive politics, good governance and a vibrant economy remain the lynchpin of any system of governance — autocratic, patently democratic or quasi-democratic. On it, no one is preventing the system from ensuring delivery. Inclusive politics means many things, even if a political party is kept at bay for being out of favour in perfect convenience to enable unchecked dominance of those who are in power. It will and must include adherence to the Constitution in ‘letter and spirit’; just because a side has a dominant control over all levers of political power does not mean it can change the letter of the law and the Constitution, because it can, especially when it defies the spirit.

Sadly, that has been the case in most constitutional tweaking undertaken by the parliament at the behest of the political leadership. It is anything but inclusive. Instead, it is divisive which is a bigger crime, since, rather than repair, it exacerbates fissures in our political fabric.

To do so is convenient when you can transfer the blame onto another entity that you proclaim is the supra-body in a chaperoned system. This is not only being more than clever, but indulging a normally neutral government function as an unwitting accomplice in something which remains unsavoury and will be so characterised in another time.

Already, the judiciary carries a blot because of the changes wrought to it via amendments to its structure and rules, jeopardising its independence, image and status as a credible arbiter of justice and fair play. The politics of today will have to answer for these ill-intended commissions the day after.

One other aspect of inclusive politics is the delivery of democratic dividends at the doorstep of the common man. There is no chance in hell of it happening as the third tier of democratic governance, the local bodies, remains woefully absent. Each province has held back on it out of fear of delegating authority and control of resources at that level, and, even more importantly, of newer leadership emerging that could challenge those in eminence at this time.

Funds, usually handed to the legislators at the national and provincial levels in the name of development, will need to be shared by the awardees with those in the third tier. Elected local bodies representatives will decide on which development takes place, and possibly by whom. Every province has its own set of rules and laws for the third tier, and changes to those occur far too often for elections on known or settled rules. With this reality widely ingrained in the understanding of the masses, what credibility remains of those in power to undertake anything so substantial as the proposed 27th Amendment?

Ditto, governance or its abysmal state, and the economy. We remain a heavily indebted nation with nothing on the horizon suggesting how we may escape this tightening gauntlet. Production over the years has gone down, possibly to the lowest in the last decade. With businesses closing and industry moving out, there is little chance that we will ever be net producers and hence exporters. Without that essential element, there is no way to pay the debt. Per capita income continues to decline as the population gallops, and more are pushed below the poverty line. Figures based on borrowed capital skew reality as farce gets painted as truth. On this, too, the politicians will need to answer.

There is no cohesive plan to rectify these failures, as we the people, are instead shown the chimera of a new economy around IT — which remains as basic as it can get, while the world and our neighbour knock at Quantum computing as the new frontier. Cryptocurrency is another way of saying sham, and what we promise as buried treasures are yet to be found.

This is all happening under the watch of the current crop of politicians at the helm. This must include the PPP as well, for it, together with the PML-N, forms the Executive. That makes the politicians answerable for what gets or does not get done in their time in power. A wider concurrence to the proposed constitutional changes and their need will greatly help to establish their credibility as well as to define the intended democratic dividends. Keeping a major part of the people and the party they support out of this loop is not only damaging for politics at large but frames the current occupants exclusively when things turn south.

Finally, how hybrid is this regime? Undoubtedly, the politicos in control have successfully indoctrinated the people that the current system of governance is a hybrid, which only means that the establishment is an equal partner in whatever has become this nation’s destiny; just as they have been equally successful in painting a rosy picture of the economy through a more compliant financial bureaucracy that must play the game to retain its credibility.

The reality is different, and the distinction to separate the responsibility of each in such manifested dysfunction must be clearly defined. The army has chosen to join hands in two areas of governance: firstly, through the SIFC in a decision process to divest loss-making government assets, and to provide a more credible face to potential investors — somehow, following the Chinese example, most investors would like to see the army on board to instil enough trust while investing. And second, the military hopes for greater flexibility to try the culprits of May 9, 2023, through its own courts. A full sanction is yet to arrive even if the trials are ongoing.

Beyond this exists little subterfuge of a hybrid denomination. The politics of inclusion rather than exception is the only way forward. When such major transformative changes to the structure of the state and governance are in the offing, it is but only common sense for all — provinces, parties and the people — to be consulted before a major overhaul. Else, it shall remain the work of the executive ordering changes to suit its own interests and design. It shall thus remain answerable for omissions and commissions executed under their control when in power. There is also enough historical evidence of the politicos and their cohorts in the intelligentsia slaying the erstwhile leadership in the Establishment and blaming political failures on it as soon as they are off the scene. The game of thrones thus continues unabated.

Similar Posts